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WARRANT-01The Land Warrant
The Match
One statute created two classes of college, and only one class has ever been allowed to come up short. This course teaches the American land-grant system as an instrument rather than as a story, starting from the words on the page. The Morrill Act of 1862 gave each state thirty thousand acres of public land for every senator and representative it had under the 1860 census, told the state to sell it, invest the proceeds in a fund whose capital must remain forever undiminished, and spend only the interest, forever, on a college teaching agriculture and the mechanic arts to the industrial classes. Then Congress attached the machine that made those colleges powerful: the Hatch Act of 1887 paid for agricultural experiment stations, and the Smith-Lever Act of 1914 paid for the extension agents who carried research to actual farms. The 1890 Institutions were not eligible for either, and Congress did not authorize annual research and extension capacity grants for them until 1977. That is ninety years without research money and sixty-three without extension money, and it is stated in one sentence in a three-page congressional document any learner can download. The 1890 Act itself is stranger than its reputation: it granted cash rather than land, so the phrase land-grant HBCU is exactly true about legal status and misleading about endowment, and its operative proviso wrote separate but equal into federal higher-education funding six years before Plessy v. Ferguson. The course then works the match. Capacity grants require dollar-for-dollar non-federal money; the law lets the Secretary of Agriculture waive the top half of that requirement for an 1890 institution and permits no such waiver for the 1862 institutions of any state; all states meet their 1862 match, and in FY2020 nine 1890 institutions took waivers. The 2013 APLU count and the sixteen letters two federal secretaries sent to sixteen governors in September 2023 are taught as evidence with their objections attached, including the governors who disputed the method by name. The course ends where the evidence ends, with an agreement that arrived in 2026 carrying no money, a ledger of what this course tested and refused to print, and a research exercise that has you pull your own state's numbers out of the report Congress requires USDA to publish every year.
Coming soonWARRANT-02The Land Warrant
The County Committee
Federal farm programmes are national money handed out by three people who live down the road. This course teaches the mechanism from the statutes up, and it starts before any of it is about race, with a calendar. A farmer spends in spring and is paid in autumn, so a loan that arrives late is a loan that was denied, and every mechanism that follows is one that can spend time. Then the eligibility test, which changes what a refusal means: to borrow from the United States Department of Agriculture an applicant must be unable to obtain sufficient credit elsewhere at reasonable rates and terms in their own community. The federal farm lender is by statute the lender of last resort, so there is no next lender, and a denial ends the search instead of redirecting it. Two committee systems then sat in every county with almost the same name, and telling them apart is where careful people go wrong: the conservation and price-support committees created by the 1935 Act were elected by producers, and the Farmers Home Administration credit committees were not. A federal civil rights commission described the second kind in 1982 in one paragraph this course reads as a machine: three individuals residing in the county, at least two of them farmers, determining both eligibility and the limits of credit, nominated by the county supervisor and appointed by the state director. The same report counted who sat on those committees, printed a disclaimer that numbers alone do not prove discrimination, and contradicted itself about Tennessee in a way this course shows you rather than resolves. Section three settles a question its sibling course refused to answer, by opening the 1920 census: 925,708 Black farm operators on 41,432,182 acres, three quarters of them tenants, and acres owned never collected at all, because the enumerator's schedule never asked. Then title, where a family can lose land with nobody refusing it anything, because any one co-tenant can force the sale of everything. Then Pigford, taught as a designed settlement in which a standard of proof was traded against a payment, with the numbers, their dates, and an arithmetic check anyone can run. And finally what came after: an audit that found control weaknesses rather than fraud, a fraud allegation stated only because its source, venue, evidence and rebuttals can all be named, and a race-conscious remedy that was enjoined and rewritten so that eligibility turned on an experience rather than an identity. The course ends with a ledger of what it refused to print and three questions you can run on any programme in the country.
Coming soon