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WARRANT-01The Land Warrant

The Match

One statute created two classes of college, and only one class has ever been allowed to come up short. This course teaches the American land-grant system as an instrument rather than as a story, starting from the words on the page. The Morrill Act of 1862 gave each state thirty thousand acres of public land for every senator and representative it had under the 1860 census, told the state to sell it, invest the proceeds in a fund whose capital must remain forever undiminished, and spend only the interest, forever, on a college teaching agriculture and the mechanic arts to the industrial classes. Then Congress attached the machine that made those colleges powerful: the Hatch Act of 1887 paid for agricultural experiment stations, and the Smith-Lever Act of 1914 paid for the extension agents who carried research to actual farms. The 1890 Institutions were not eligible for either, and Congress did not authorize annual research and extension capacity grants for them until 1977. That is ninety years without research money and sixty-three without extension money, and it is stated in one sentence in a three-page congressional document any learner can download. The 1890 Act itself is stranger than its reputation: it granted cash rather than land, so the phrase land-grant HBCU is exactly true about legal status and misleading about endowment, and its operative proviso wrote separate but equal into federal higher-education funding six years before Plessy v. Ferguson. The course then works the match. Capacity grants require dollar-for-dollar non-federal money; the law lets the Secretary of Agriculture waive the top half of that requirement for an 1890 institution and permits no such waiver for the 1862 institutions of any state; all states meet their 1862 match, and in FY2020 nine 1890 institutions took waivers. The 2013 APLU count and the sixteen letters two federal secretaries sent to sixteen governors in September 2023 are taught as evidence with their objections attached, including the governors who disputed the method by name. The course ends where the evidence ends, with an agreement that arrived in 2026 carrying no money, a ledger of what this course tested and refused to print, and a research exercise that has you pull your own state's numbers out of the report Congress requires USDA to publish every year.

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WARRANT-02The Land Warrant

The County Committee

Federal farm programmes are national money handed out by three people who live down the road. This course teaches the mechanism from the statutes up, and it starts before any of it is about race, with a calendar. A farmer spends in spring and is paid in autumn, so a loan that arrives late is a loan that was denied, and every mechanism that follows is one that can spend time. Then the eligibility test, which changes what a refusal means: to borrow from the United States Department of Agriculture an applicant must be unable to obtain sufficient credit elsewhere at reasonable rates and terms in their own community. The federal farm lender is by statute the lender of last resort, so there is no next lender, and a denial ends the search instead of redirecting it. Two committee systems then sat in every county with almost the same name, and telling them apart is where careful people go wrong: the conservation and price-support committees created by the 1935 Act were elected by producers, and the Farmers Home Administration credit committees were not. A federal civil rights commission described the second kind in 1982 in one paragraph this course reads as a machine: three individuals residing in the county, at least two of them farmers, determining both eligibility and the limits of credit, nominated by the county supervisor and appointed by the state director. The same report counted who sat on those committees, printed a disclaimer that numbers alone do not prove discrimination, and contradicted itself about Tennessee in a way this course shows you rather than resolves. Section three settles a question its sibling course refused to answer, by opening the 1920 census: 925,708 Black farm operators on 41,432,182 acres, three quarters of them tenants, and acres owned never collected at all, because the enumerator's schedule never asked. Then title, where a family can lose land with nobody refusing it anything, because any one co-tenant can force the sale of everything. Then Pigford, taught as a designed settlement in which a standard of proof was traded against a payment, with the numbers, their dates, and an arithmetic check anyone can run. And finally what came after: an audit that found control weaknesses rather than fraud, a fraud allegation stated only because its source, venue, evidence and rebuttals can all be named, and a race-conscious remedy that was enjoined and rewritten so that eligibility turned on an experience rather than an identity. The course ends with a ledger of what it refused to print and three questions you can run on any programme in the country.

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California Civics: How Your State Government Works

A practical, non-partisan guide to how the state of California governs itself, and how you take part where you live. You'll learn California's 1879 constitution (one of the longest and most-amended in the nation) and its powerful tools of DIRECT DEMOCRACY: the initiative, referendum, and recall added in the 1911 Progressive era; the three state branches, including a plural executive of separately-elected constitutional officers (the Lieutenant Governor is elected independently, not on a ticket with the Governor); the 120-seat Legislature (an 80-member Assembly and a 40-member Senate); and the courts (a 7-justice Supreme Court, Courts of Appeal, and Superior Courts in all 58 counties), whose appellate justices are appointed and then confirmed by voters in retention elections. You'll learn how a bill becomes a California law (including the Governor's line-item veto and the two-thirds override) and California's local government (58 counties, charter vs. general-law cities, thousands of special districts, and NO townships). Finally you'll learn California's distinctive elections rules (automatic and same-day registration, a ballot mailed to every active voter, the top-two primary, and the citizen initiative) before a lesson on how to get involved. Cited to California's own official sources (leginfo.legislature.ca.gov, sos.ca.gov, courts.ca.gov). Because state facts vary and change, the course flags time-sensitive items (like turnout-dependent initiative signature thresholds and judicial retention timing) and points you to California's own sources to confirm the current rule.

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Capstone: Choose a Form and Defend It

The final course of the 'How a Business Is Formed' path, and its graded capstone. It is not legal, tax, or financial advice, and it says so throughout, including inside the assignment: it teaches you what to ASK a lawyer or accountant, not the answer for your situation. This course does not teach a new form. It teaches you to REASON: given a real scenario, read it into the four decisions (who pays the debts, who pays the tax, who owns it and how ownership moves, and who decides), choose a plausible form, and defend that choice against all four decisions and against one specific alternative you rejected. It pulls the whole path together, the four decisions and the formation documents from course 1, the US forms and the S-corp-as-a-tax-election from course 2, cooperatives and one member one vote from course 3, the invent-an-entity story of financing without access from course 4, the foreign forms from course 5, and governance from course 6. You will work three or four scenarios end to end, a solo freelancer, a founder raising venture money, a worker collective, and a community nonprofit, watching the trade-offs and the honest 'it depends' at each step, without asserting a single invented statute, rate, or fee. Then the graded capstone asks you to do it yourself: pick a scenario, name a form, and defend it against the four and against a named alternative, to a rubric. You are not proving you know the one right answer. You are proving you know the questions.

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Cooperatives

A cited, high-school-and-up course on the business form most people have used without ever reading: the cooperative. It is not legal, tax or financial advice, and it says so throughout. The organizing idea is one line, and the whole course is a consequence of it: a cooperative answers the ownership and governance questions with ONE MEMBER, ONE VOTE, not one share, one vote, which makes capital the servant of the members rather than their master. You will read the co-op against the four decisions from course 1 (liability, taxation, ownership and transfer, governance), then meet the Rochdale Pioneers who opened a store in 1844 and left behind the principles the world still uses, codified today as the seven cooperative principles of the International Co-operative Alliance. You will learn the five main types, worker, consumer, producer, housing and purchasing, and then study three worked cases that prove the form is not a curiosity: Mondragon, one of the largest worker cooperatives in the world, and the honest debate about whether it still lives up to its ideals; the rural electric cooperatives that, under the Rural Electrification Act of 1936, brought power to an America the private utilities would not serve; and the credit union, a financial cooperative built under the Federal Credit Union Act of 1934 that a large share of Americans belong to without thinking of it as a co-op at all. The last section takes on the money and governance question head on: how a co-op shares surplus through patronage dividends, why raising member capital is its hardest problem, and how the whole structure can be reversed through demutualization, the same move the building societies made in the financing course. The capstone asks you to design a cooperative for a real scenario and defend its member governance against a plain corporation, in the language of the four decisions. Where accounts disagree, this course teaches the disagreement rather than smoothing it over.

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Financing Without Access

A cited, high-school-and-up course on the oldest problem in business: how do you finance anything when the credit system will not have you? It is not legal, tax, financial or religious advice, and it says so throughout. The through-line is a single idea, tested across the world: when the capital system excludes you, you invent an entity. You will meet the fraternal benefit society and the friendly society, the burial club and industrial insurance, the building and loan association that carried excluded families into homeownership, the rotating savings and credit association that runs under a dozen names on six continents (susu, tanda, chit fund, hui, kye, ekub, tontine), and the structures of Islamic finance that finance real things without charging interest at all (murabaha, ijara, mudaraba, musharaka, sukuk, takaful). This is the general case of which the shipped course 'What They Built' is a worked example, where fraternal orders and building-and-loans turned out to be entity choices, and it extends the method of course 1, 'What a Business Entity Actually Is': every one of these is a different answer to the four decisions. Along the way you will learn to read any financing workaround the same way, by asking which door was closed, what pool replaced it, and who bears the risk. The capstone asks you to document one real financing-without-access institution and show how its entity choice fit its constraint. Where accounts disagree, this course teaches the disagreement rather than smoothing it over.

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Forms of Government, Honestly

A course about the labels we put on governments, and why sorting the world's states into 'democracy,' 'autocracy,' 'monarchy,' or 'republic' is a contested argument, not a vocabulary quiz. It is course 2 of the path whose method course, Who Has the Power to Do This?, taught you to read authority from the primary record. Here you learn the classical forms and what they actually mean (democracy, republic, monarchy, autocracy, oligarchy, theocracy), and then the harder and more useful skill: how to read a classification critically. The heart of the course is that the four major measurement projects, V-Dem at the University of Gothenburg, the Polity project, Freedom House, and the Economist Intelligence Unit's Democracy Index, rank the same countries differently, on published methodologies, because they define democracy differently and measure different things. You will learn what each project measures, who codes it, and the four reasons their rankings diverge, especially for the hard cases in the middle: hybrid regimes, competitive authoritarianism, one-party states, and constitutional monarchies that are functionally democracies. It closes with a map of who measures democracy and from where, and a capstone: classify one real country by two different indices and explain the gap between them from the published methodologies. The course never asserts a country's current score from memory; it teaches you to read the current report yourself.

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Georgia Civics: How Your State Government Works

A practical, non-partisan guide to how the state of Georgia governs itself, and how you take part where you live. You'll learn Georgia's 1983 constitution (the most recent of the state's several constitutions) and why Georgia has NO citizen initiative: constitutional amendments are proposed by the General Assembly (a two-thirds vote of each house) and then ratified by voters. You'll learn the three state branches: a plural executive of separately-elected constitutional officers (the Lieutenant Governor is elected on their own, not on a ticket with the Governor, and presides over the Senate), plus the Attorney General, Secretary of State, and several commissioners; the 236-seat General Assembly (a 180-member House and a 56-member Senate); and the courts (a 9-justice Supreme Court and a 15-judge Court of Appeals whose members are chosen in NONPARTISAN statewide elections). You'll learn how a bill becomes a Georgia law (including the Governor's veto and the two-thirds override) and Georgia's local government: 159 counties (the SECOND-MOST of any state, after Texas), home rule, consolidated city-county governments like Athens-Clarke and Columbus-Muscogee, and NO townships. Finally you'll learn Georgia's distinctive elections rules: photo ID, in-person early voting, no-excuse absentee-by-mail (with the recent SB 202 changes), and the MAJORITY-VOTE RUNOFF system that sends the top two to a second election when no one wins outright, before a lesson on how to get involved. Cited to Georgia's own official sources (legis.ga.gov, sos.ga.gov, gasupreme.us / georgiacourts.gov, and the 1983 Constitution). Because state facts vary and change, the course flags time-sensitive items (like the recent SB 202 election-law changes and current ID/deadline rules) and points you to Georgia's own sources to confirm the current rule.

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Governance: Who Actually Decides

A cited, high-school-and-up course on corporate and organizational governance, and the sixth course in the 'How a Business Is Formed' path. It is not legal or financial advice, and it says so throughout: it teaches you what to ASK a lawyer or a governance professional, not the answer for a real company or a real investment. Course 1 taught that any entity is a bundle of four decisions, and governance was the fourth: who gets to decide? This course takes that one decision to its depth. The spine is the gap between OWNING a business and DECIDING for it. In a large company the owners are many and scattered, and the people who actually run it are few, so governance is the set of devices that keep the deciders answerable to the owners. You will learn what a board of directors is and does, how directors are elected, why independent directors and board committees exist, and the long argument over whose interests a company serves: shareholders alone, or a wider set of stakeholders. You will learn fiduciary duty, the highest obligation the law puts on a director, split into the duty of care (protected by the business judgment rule) and the duty of loyalty (which conflicts of interest test). You will see how founders concentrate control through dual-class, super-voting shares, and how other systems answer the same question differently: the German two-tier board with worker codetermination, the cooperative's one member one vote, and the nonprofit board that answers to a mission rather than to owners. The capstone asks you to read a real governance structure, say who actually decides, and find where a minority owner's protection comes from.

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Governments Without States

Course 7 of the path whose method course, Who Has the Power to Do This?, taught the four questions (who acted, under what authority, where the power comes from, who can overturn it) and the vertical stack of national and subnational government. This course is about the authority that stack leaves out: governance that happens in bodies that are NOT sovereign states. It opens with the question underneath the whole subject, what even makes a state a state, teaching the Montevideo Convention's four criteria (1933) and the long argument between the declarative and constitutive theories of recognition. Then it climbs above the state to the supranational bodies: the European Union, which is neither a country nor an ordinary treaty organization but its own autonomous legal order (Van Gend en Loos, 1963; Costa v ENEL, 1964); the United Nations, an organization of sovereign equals rather than a world government (UN Charter, 1945); and the African Union (2002), successor to the OAU. Then it turns to the hardest case, unrecognised and contested states, taught neutrally: the course describes the recognition disagreement, attributes each claim, reports the documented facts, and does not adjudicate anyone's status. Finally it comes down BELOW the state to self-governing communities, the homeowners association that governs by covenant, the housing co-op that governs by membership, the union that governs by collective bargaining, and the mutual-aid network that governs by voluntary agreement, which is the hand-off to the business path, because each holds its power through an entity and an instrument rather than through sovereignty. It closes with a capstone: find a body with real authority over someone that is not a sovereign state, and map where its power comes from. This course teaches how to read authority. It is not legal advice, and it does not take sides in any sovereignty dispute.

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How Countries Constitute Themselves

The course about the constitution itself: the document course 1 kept walking the chain of authority up to, and the machinery every country builds to say who holds power and how it is limited. It is course 3 of the path whose method course, Who Has the Power to Do This?, already taught the four questions and the vertical stack, and it treats that course as its prerequisite. You will learn to read any constitution on three axes. The first is the horizontal question: who holds executive power, and how is it linked to the legislature? That is the difference between a parliamentary system (where the executive sits in the legislature and survives on its confidence), a presidential system (where a separately elected president holds executive power for a fixed term), and a semi-presidential system (a president and a prime minister at once), and you will learn the trade-offs and the genuine scholarly fight over whether presidentialism is more fragile and whether semi-presidential is even a coherent category. The second axis is territorial: federal or unitary. The third is the form: codified into one written document or uncodified and scattered, as in the United Kingdom, New Zealand, and Israel, and rigid or flexible to amend. Then the course turns to how constitutions are actually made, taught through four real cases on four routes: the United States in 1787 by a convention that then had to be ratified, South Africa in 1996 by a negotiated transition a court had to certify, Japan in 1947 by a text the occupying power largely wrote, and Germany in 1949 by Germans drafting at home inside limits the Allies set. It closes with a world map of constitutional systems and a capstone: trace how one real constitution was made and classify its system from the primary documents. This course teaches how to read authority. It is not legal advice.

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How Other Countries Form Businesses

A cited, high-school-and-up tour of how businesses are formed outside the United States, and the fifth course in the 'How a Business Is Formed' path. It is not legal or tax advice, and it says so throughout, doubly so for foreign law you cannot casually check: it teaches you what to ASK a professional, not the answer for your situation. Course 1 gave you the method, that any entity is a bundle of FOUR decisions (who pays the debts, who pays the tax, who owns it and how ownership moves, and who decides), and course 2 walked the US menu as the baseline. This course carries the same four questions abroad to prove the one thing the US baseline cannot: the American set of forms is not universal. You will read the United Kingdom's private limited company, public limited company, and the community interest company with its asset lock; Germany's GmbH and AG, their two-tier board, and Mitbestimmung, the mandatory worker representation on the supervisory boards of large companies that connects straight to the unions track; France's rigid SARL and flexible SAS; Japan's kabushiki kaisha; the Nordic countries, where the one-member-one-vote cooperative the US treats as niche is a mainstream, mass-membership institution; China's state-owned enterprises and the VIE structure, a contractual workaround of contested legality that is not an entity type at all; and India's private limited company and its Section 8 not-for-profit company. Every difference is read as a policy choice with consequences, not an accident of translation, and where a form's legal standing is genuinely debated, the VIE above all, the course teaches the uncertainty rather than faking an answer. The capstone asks you to match a foreign form to its nearest US form using the four decisions, and then to name, honestly, what does not translate.

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How Power Changes Hands

The course about the moment authority moves from one set of hands to another, and it has two halves. The first half treats elections as machines: the same ballots, counted under different rules, produce different winners. You will see one identical set of votes seat three different candidates under three different systems, and then learn the moving parts that make that happen: first-past-the-post and the two-party pull of Duverger's law, wasted votes and the spoiler effect, party-list proportional representation, district magnitude and thresholds, ranked-choice or instant-runoff, and mixed-member proportional. The claim underneath all of it is that the counting rule, not the votes alone, picks the winner, which is why changing the rule is itself a way of changing who holds power. The second half leaves the ballot box for the routes power takes when elections are not the mechanism: coups seized from inside the state, revolutions driven from below, negotiated transitions like Poland's Round Table in 1989 and South Africa between 1990 and 1994, and term limits as a design choice that schedules the handover in advance. It is course 8 of the path whose method course, Who Has the Power to Do This?, taught the four questions, and it is the general case of that course's fourth question, who can overturn it, asked about the rulers themselves. It builds on that method and complements the constitution course without repeating it. This course teaches how to read the rules by which power changes hands. It is not legal or political advice, and it takes no side in any contested election or dispute.

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New York Civics: How Your State Government Works

A practical, non-partisan guide to how the state of New York governs itself, and how you take part where you live. You'll learn New York's 1894 constitution and its distinctive automatic 20-year ballot question ("shall we hold a constitutional convention?"); the three state branches, including a separately-elected Attorney General and Comptroller and New York's famously INVERTED court names (the "Supreme Court" is the TRIAL court, while the "Court of Appeals" is the state's HIGHEST court, whose judges the Governor APPOINTS from a nominating commission's list with State Senate confirmation); how a bill becomes a New York law in a 150-member Assembly and 63-member Senate (a two-thirds override); local government across New York's 62 counties (including New York City's five boroughs) with strong home rule; and New York's elections rules: early voting, no-excuse early mail voting alongside excuse-required absentee ballots, closed party primaries, and NO statewide citizen initiative. It closes on how to get involved where you live. Cited to New York's own official sources (nysenate.gov, nyassembly.gov, dos.ny.gov, nycourts.gov, cjn.ny.gov, elections.ny.gov) and the State Constitution. Because state facts vary and change, the course flags time-sensitive items (like the post-2019 early-mail-voting change and the Governor/Lieutenant-Governor joint-ticket reform) and points you to New York's own sources to confirm the current rule.

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North Carolina Civics: How Your State Government Works

A practical, non-partisan guide to how the state of North Carolina governs itself, and how you take part where you live. You'll learn North Carolina's THIRD constitution (adopted 1971) and its amendment path: the General Assembly proposes by a three-fifths vote and the VOTERS ratify, because NC has NO citizen initiative; the three branches, including the COUNCIL OF STATE, a large plural executive of TEN separately-elected statewide officers (Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Attorney General, Secretary of State, Auditor, Treasurer, Superintendent of Public Instruction, and the Commissioners of Agriculture, Insurance, and Labor); a General Assembly of a 120-member House and a 50-member Senate where, famously, the governor had NO veto until 1997 (NC was the last state to grant one) and a veto is overridden by THREE-FIFTHS, not two-thirds; and appellate judges elected in PARTISAN races. It covers how a bill becomes a North Carolina law, local government across NC's 100 counties (a board of commissioners, limited home rule under Dillon's Rule, municipalities, and NO townships as government), and NC's elections: photo voter ID (recently in effect after years of litigation), no-excuse absentee, early one-stop voting with same-day registration, and a 25-day regular registration deadline. It closes on how to get involved. Cited to North Carolina's own official sources (ncleg.gov, ncsbe.gov, sosnc.gov, nccourts.gov). Because state facts vary and change, the course flags the photo-ID litigation timeline and the absentee/early-voting deadlines, and points you to ncsbe.gov for current dates rather than asserting fixed rules.

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Not a State

About four and a third million people live under the American flag, hold American passports, and elect nobody who can vote on the floor of either house of Congress. This course asks the question underneath that sentence: what is the legal status of a place that is under United States sovereignty and is not a state, and how did it get that status? It starts inside a farm statute, because that is where the category is easiest to see without argument. The Hatch Act pays for agricultural research and requires a state to match every federal dollar; one paragraph of that statute, headed "Exception for insular areas and the District of Columbia", drops the requirement to half for Puerto Rico, Guam, the Virgin Islands and the District, and lets the Secretary of Agriculture waive even that. Read the definitions section and the reason is plain: those four are exactly the members of the statute's own list of "States" that are not states. From there the course goes to the source of the category. In 1901 a divided Supreme Court decided a tax case about oranges and held that Puerto Rico was "a territory appurtenant and belonging to the United States, but not a part of the United States within the revenue clauses of the Constitution", and Justice White supplied a distinction the Constitution never mentions, between territories that have been incorporated into the Union and territories that have not. In 1922 the Court held that even the right to a jury trial does not follow the flag into an unincorporated territory, and that granting citizenship in 1917 had not changed the island's status. Both cases are still law, and both are under open attack from the bench: Justice Gorsuch has written that they rest on "a rotten foundation" and rest instead on racial stereotypes, and the course quotes him and the judges who agree with him at length. Then it works the consequences, one at a time and from the documents. American Samoa is the sharpest case in the subject: people born there are United States nationals and not United States citizens, and when three of them sued for citizenship the parties opposing them included their own territorial government and their own member of Congress, who argued that a court thousands of miles away should not impose citizenship on an unwilling people and put communal land tenure at risk. The course names who holds which position and refuses to settle it. It then counts the representation that exists and the representation that does not, contrasts the District of Columbia, which pays federal income tax and casts three electoral votes under the Twenty-Third Amendment, teaches the Supplemental Security Income case the Supreme Court decided in 2022 and the fiscal oversight board Congress placed over Puerto Rico's elected government in 2016, and reports Puerto Rico's status votes with their blank ballots, boycotts and turnout disputes attached. It ends with the sources themselves, so that every number in it can be checked by the person who took it.

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Ohio Civics: How Your State Government Works

A practical, non-partisan guide to how the state of Ohio governs itself, and how you take part where you live. You'll learn Ohio's 1851 constitution and its unusually STRONG direct democracy (the initiative and referendum Ohioans have held since 1912, letting citizens amend the constitution or make law by petition, with a citizen constitutional amendment still passing on a SIMPLE majority after voters rejected a 2023 attempt to raise the bar to 60%); the three branches, including a plural executive (a Governor and separately-elected Lieutenant Governor who run as a joint ticket, plus a separately-elected Attorney General, Secretary of State, Auditor, and Treasurer) and a 99-member House and 33-member Senate; how a bill becomes an Ohio law, including Ohio's unusual THREE-FIFTHS veto override (not two-thirds); Ohio's ELECTED judges (partisan primaries, and, since 2022, party labels on the general-election ballot too); local government across Ohio's 88 counties, home-rule cities and villages, active townships, and special districts; and Ohio's elections rules: photo voter ID (since 2023), no-excuse early and absentee voting, and the citizen initiative/referendum process. It closes on how to get involved where you live. Cited to Ohio's own official sources (the Ohio Constitution/Revised Code, the Ohio General Assembly, ohiosos.gov, and the Ohio judicial branch). Because state facts vary and change, the course flags time-sensitive items (signature thresholds tied to the last governor's race, the 2023 photo-ID law, the 2021 judicial-ballot change, and the failed 2023 supermajority proposal) and points you to Ohio's own sources to confirm the current rule.

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Pennsylvania Civics: How Your State Government Works

A practical, non-partisan guide to how the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania governs itself, and how you take part where you live. You'll learn Pennsylvania's current 1968 constitution and its unusual amendment path (a proposed amendment must pass the General Assembly in TWO consecutive sessions and then be approved by the voters, and Pennsylvania has NO citizen initiative, so only the legislature can start the process); the three state branches, including a partly-plural executive (the Governor and Lieutenant Governor run as a JOINT TICKET in the general election, while the Attorney General, Auditor General, and Treasurer are each elected separately); the General Assembly (a 203-member House and a 50-member Senate, the largest full-time state legislature in the nation); and a court system whose appellate judges (Supreme, Superior, and Commonwealth courts) are ELECTED in partisan races to 10-year terms and then face nonpartisan yes/no RETENTION votes. You'll learn how a bill becomes a Pennsylvania law (including the Governor's line-item veto on appropriations and the two-thirds override), and Pennsylvania's local government (67 counties; home-rule charters; and a full set of active municipalities: cities, boroughs, and townships of the first and second class; Pennsylvania does NOT abolish townships). Finally you'll learn Pennsylvania's distinctive elections rules (no-excuse mail-in voting since Act 77 of 2019, voter ID for first-time voters, closed primaries, and no citizen initiative) before a lesson on how to get involved. Cited to Pennsylvania's own official sources (legis.state.pa.us, pa.gov/vote, pacourts.us, dced.pa.gov). Because state facts vary and change, the course flags time-sensitive and litigated items (like the ongoing court fights over mail-in voting and voter ID) and points you to Pennsylvania's own sources to confirm the current rule.

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The Middle Layer: States, Provinces, and Regions

The course about the level of government between the nation and the locality: the US state, the German Land, the Canadian province, the Spanish autonomous community, and the devolved nations of the United Kingdom. It is course 4 of the path whose method course, Who Has the Power to Do This?, already taught the four questions and the vertical stack, and it sits directly above course 5, The Local Layer. Its one load-bearing idea is the difference between federalism and devolution, taught as entrenched versus delegated. A United States state is a co-sovereign: its existence and its equal representation in the Senate are bolted into the Constitution, and the federal government cannot abolish it. Scotland's powers, by contrast, come from the Scotland Act 1998, an ordinary Act of the Westminster Parliament that, under the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty, Parliament could in principle repeal. That distinction, whether a middle-layer government holds its power by constitutional entitlement or by a statute the center can rewrite, is the whole lesson. You will learn the US reserved powers and the anti-commandeering doctrine, why a state cannot be abolished, and interstate compacts; then Germany's Laender and the Bundesrat, Canada's provinces under the Constitution Acts of 1867 and 1982, and Spain's contested estado autonomico; then the United Kingdom's asymmetric devolution and the sovereignty question at its heart. It closes with a map of federal, devolved, and unitary systems and a capstone: classify a real subnational government as entrenched-federal or devolved, and defend it from the primary documents. This course teaches how to read authority. It is not legal advice.

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The US Forms: Sole Prop to Corporation

A cited, high-school-and-up survey of the US business forms, and the direct sequel to 'What a Business Entity Actually Is.' It is not legal or tax advice, and it says so throughout: it teaches you what to ASK a lawyer or accountant, not the answer for your situation. Course 1 gave you the method, that any entity is a bundle of FOUR decisions (who pays the debts, who pays the tax, who owns it and how ownership moves, and who decides). This course applies that method across the actual US menu: the sole proprietorship and general partnership you can fall into without filing, the limited partnership and the LLP that add a liability wall, the LLC that became the modern default, the C-corporation built to raise money, and the nonprofits, where 501(c)(3), (c)(4) and (c)(6) are three different deals with three different rules on donations and politics. Two ideas get a full lesson each because they are the most misunderstood in the subject. First, the S-corp is a TAX ELECTION, not an entity type: it changes only how a business is taxed and leaves liability, ownership and governance to the entity underneath it. Second, a benefit corporation (a legal form a state recognises) is not the same thing as a Certified B Corp (a private certification granted by the nonprofit B Lab), two different things that most content blurs. The organizing insight is that a real menu mixes three kinds of thing, an entity, a tax status, and a private certification, and telling them apart is most of the skill. The capstone asks you to match a real scenario to a form and defend it against the four decisions, and against a specific alternative you rejected.

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Tribal Nations and Indigenous Governance

The course that develops the one correction most civics teaching gets wrong: a tribal nation is not a rung on the federal, state, and local ladder at all. It is a separate sovereign, and its authority is pre-existing and inherent, older than the United States, not delegated down a stack the way a city's power is delegated from a state. Course 1 of this path, Who Has the Power to Do This?, introduced that idea in a single section; this course earns it in full, and with the care such content requires. You will learn where tribal sovereignty comes from and why the Marshall Court called the nations domestic dependent nations; why treaties rank as supreme law under the Supremacy Clause and how courts read them; how nations govern today, the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 and its model constitutions set against traditional and customary governance, with the Haudenosaunee Confederacy as a named living case; and the hard legal edges, Public Law 280, McGirt v. Oklahoma, and Alaska Native corporations, which are corporations rather than reservations and are the sharpest crossover between this path and the business-forms path. This course leads with nations' own words and Indigenous scholarship, treats the 574 federally recognized tribes as 574 distinct governments, and stops deliberately short of any nation's ceremonies or restricted internal detail, because that is not the course's to give. It teaches how to read authority. It is not legal advice.

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CREDIT-02Credit: Who Gets Named

Who Signs the Print

A fine art print is made by at least two people: the artist who makes the image, and the master printer who makes the edition. Only one of them signs it. That is not a rule about race, and getting that right is the whole point of this course, because the convention applies to every master printer who has ever worked, which means the medium itself manufactures a category of expertise the public cannot see. The interesting question is who ends up in that category, and what they build once they are there. This course teaches the convention end to end: what a pencil signature actually certifies (approval, not authorship, and it dates only from the second half of the nineteenth century), where the printer's credit really lives (an embossed chop that carries no name, and a documentation sheet the public never reads), and what a printer owns instead of a signature (the bon a tirer, the proof the whole edition must match). Then it follows Robert Blackburn, hired in 1957 as the first master printer at Universal Limited Art Editions, who printed its first seventy-nine editions, all of which carry other artists' signatures, and who answered the convention by building an open workshop rather than by arguing with it. Elizabeth Catlett answered it with a collective, Margaret Taylor-Burroughs with a museum, AfriCOBRA with a cheap and portable medium, Charles White with a classroom, and Emma Amos with a print portfolio that got her into a room she was the only woman in. The shape transfers: session musicians, ghostwriters, film colourists, translators and test kitchens are governed by the same three conditions, and the course ends by teaching you to spot them, and by showing two credit conventions that were actually corrected.

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CREDIT-03Credit: Who Gets Named

The Name on the Door

A building is credited to a firm, and a firm is named after whoever owns it. That one sentence explains more about architectural credit than any story about a stolen design, because it means the public credit line for a building answers a legal and contractual question rather than the question readers think they are asking. This course teaches the convention end to end: what a credit line actually names, what a licensed architect's seal certifies and what it does not, and why the architect of record and the design architect are two different jobs that only sometimes belong to the same person. Then it adds the second gate. Architectural licensure began in Illinois in 1897 and spread state by state, and it is real public-safety regulation with a real body count behind it, but it is also a gate, and the education and paid-experience steps behind it ran through admissions offices and hiring decisions. Julian Abele is the case, and the popular version of him is wrong in specific and checkable ways. He was chief designer in Horace Trumbauer's office and took the firm over after Trumbauer died, but employees there did not sign, and when he applied to the American Institute of Architects in 1942 the only buildings he could list as his own were his sister's house and the Duke work. That single document is worth more than the myth ever was. The course also refuses the flattering errors: he was not a servant, he was not the sole architect of the Philadelphia Museum of Art, and there is no record that he attended the Ecole des Beaux-Arts. Norma Merrick Sklarek, Beverly Loraine Greene, Georgia Louise Harris Brown, Paul Revere Williams and Robert R. Taylor carry the rest of the argument, and the course ends where credit conventions can actually be changed: a cornerstone recut to carry two names, an award rule that admits two people instead of one, and a ledger of what this course tested and refused to print.

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CREDIT-WRI1Credit: Who Gets Named

Written by Himself

A byline is not a report of who wrote something. It is a term in an agreement, and the title page is where the agreement shows. Ghostwriting is the cleanest place in this catalog to see that, because the writer's name is missing by design and the writer was paid for exactly that: the absence is the deliverable, not a wrong done to anybody. So this course does not call ghostwriting theft, which would be wrong and correctable in public by anyone holding a publishing contract. It asks the harder question instead. Who ends up inside that contract, who ends up outside it, and what does a byline pay that a fee does not? The evidence is free, digitised and out of copyright, and the course reads it directly. Phillis Wheatley's 1773 Poems carries an attestation in its own front matter, signed by eighteen Boston men, certifying that a Black woman wrote her own poems: the credit document and the book are the same object. Frederick Douglass answered the same disbelief from the other direction, by putting the claim in his subtitle. Solomon Northup's book was edited by David Wilson, Omar ibn Said wrote his in Arabic in 1831, and Abby Fisher dictated hers because she could not write. Elizabeth Keckley took the byline and was punished for it, and was doubted anyway. And Harriet Jacobs is the model correction the whole series needs: her book was read as Lydia Maria Child's for roughly a century, and Jean Fagan Yellin restored it to Jacobs using Jacobs's own letters. Four of the strongest documents here are books by Black women whose authorship was disputed, which makes women the argument rather than an addendum. The course ends in the present tense, with the as-told-to trade, the collaborator credit ladder, and a deliberate refusal: where the record does not name the writer, this course does not guess.

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CREDIT-REC1Credit: Who Gets Named

Who Made the Record: Photography, Custody, and the Credit Line

A photograph of a person looks like something that happened. It is something somebody did, and this course follows the paperwork that decision leaves behind: who commissioned the picture, who was paid, whose name went in the caption, who owned the plate afterwards, and who is allowed to say no. It is a credit course, not a craft course, and it teaches nobody to take a photograph. It runs from Frederick Douglass, who published a theory of the record before he sat for one, through Kodak's Shirley card, where a technical default stopped looking like a decision, to the 1850 daguerreotypes Louis Agassiz commissioned in South Carolina, a record made about seven enslaved people to argue something about them. It then reads three credit lines a learner can go and check today: an archive that names Ella Watson, a museum catalogue that grades its own certainty with the words attributed to, and an acquisition record that three published accounts date to three different years. It ends on two claims made on one archive, Carrie Mae Weems against Harvard in the 1990s and Tamara Lanier against Harvard from 2019, taught as the pair they are, with the legal posture kept intact rather than smoothed into a story about who won. Every contested claim here is taught as contested with the holders named, and where this course could not reach a source it says so instead of guessing.

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CREDIT-CHO1Credit: Who Gets Named

Black creators in dance, and the copyright that would not hold them

Choreography was not a copyrightable category in the United States until 1 January 1978. Before that date a dance could be registered only if it passed as a dramatic composition, in Class D, which meant it had to tell a story or develop a character, and the rule came from a case a white dancer lost in 1892. After that date it could be registered only if it was fixed: written, notated or filmed. A dance that was danced and never written down was, in law, never a work at all. This course teaches that mechanism from the documents themselves, the 1909 Act, the Copyright Office's own Compendium, Circular 52, and the opinions in Horgan v. Macmillan and Hanagami v. Epic Games, and then reads the archive against it. You will open the Library of Congress finding aid for the Alvin Ailey American Dance Theater Collection to a box of contracts and read four Black choreographers' names on four folder headings, one of them with a royalties schedule laid in and one of them closed to researchers until the year 2100. You will compare the two folders that hold what survives of the choreography of Revelations with the two boxes that hold its choral scores. And you will price a Labanotation score, because a score is not only a record, it is a revenue instrument, and every choreographer who was never notated was excluded from it. Nothing here is asserted that was not read from a source. Where the popular story is wrong, including about Alvin Ailey and about Janet Collins, the correction is the lesson.

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CREDIT-SCI1Credit: Who Gets Named

Esther Lederberg: The Technique, the Phage, and the Record

Esther Miriam Zimmer Lederberg developed replica plating, discovered bacteriophage lambda, and found the fertility factor that explained how bacteria mate. Molecular biology runs on all three. This course teaches the science first, in that order, because the alternative order is the problem: introduce her as somebody's wife and the work becomes the footnote, which is exactly the move the record shows being made about her for fifty years. Only after you can say what replica plating does and why a turbid plaque mattered does the course open the attribution question, and then it opens it with paperwork rather than outrage: the exact motivation of the 1958 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine and the exact shares, the Nobel Foundation's own 1958 biography of the laureate, which mentions her in a marriage sentence and gives her job title as research associate, and the author lines of the papers themselves, checked one by one against the journals' own records. It also teaches the limits. The Nobel statutes cap a prize at three people and that prize already had three names, so the honest question is about how credit was allocated across a career and a literature, not a verdict on a committee whose deliberations nobody can read. The frame is the Matilda effect, named by Margaret Rossiter in 1993 and measured across thirteen scientific societies in 2012. And because getting it wrong in her favour makes the true record easier to dismiss, the last lesson corrects the corrections.

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Africa Before Colonization: The Documented Record

In 1830s Berlin, Hegel told his students that Africa was "no historical part of the World." In 1963, on British television, an Oxford professor said African history was "largely darkness." This course opens with those claims in the deniers' own words, then spends seven sections walking the documented record that refutes them: the kings of Kush who ruled Egypt as its 25th Dynasty; Aksum minting its own gold coins and adopting Christianity a generation before Rome made it official; the empires of Ghana, Mali, and Songhai on the gold roads, and the book culture of Timbuktu; the drystone city of Great Zimbabwe, and the documented campaign by a settler state to censor who built it; the Swahili trading coast Ibn Battuta called one of the most beautiful in the world; the Benin bronzes and the 1897 British looting; Ethiopia from the rock churches of Lalibela to the battlefield of Adwa. It is honest where honesty is uncomfortable: African states participated in slavery and the slave trades, and the course teaches that record plainly, because omitting it is its own distortion. It is equally honest about the opposite trap: romantic myth (a war-free golden age, invented net-worth figures for Mansa Musa) is as useless as the erasure, and the course flags every shaky claim as contested or estimated rather than asserting it. The last sections teach the transferable skill: HOW historians know, from archaeology, manuscripts, Arabic travelers in scholarly translation, and oral tradition, each with its strengths and limits. Cited throughout to the UNESCO General History of Africa, working Africanists (Thornton, Ehret, Gomez, Vansina, Hunwick), the Levtzion & Hopkins Corpus, museum records, and UNESCO World Heritage documentation. Every claim names a region, a people, and a period. Nothing here is "Africa did X."

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Asia Before European Colonization: The Center of Gravity

For most of recorded history, the center of the world economy was not in Europe. It was in Asia, and this course shows you the map. In eleven survey lessons plus an honest-record section, you will meet the Indus cities and the script nobody has ever read; Ashoka, the emperor who published his conscience on rocks; the Gupta mathematicians whose place-value numerals and zero became the digits you use every day; the Mughals, Central Asian outsiders who ruled India two centuries before the British did; Han, Tang, and Song China, where printing, paper money, the magnetic compass, and gunpowder were in use while Paris was a muddy town; Heian Japan and the shogunates; Korea, which printed with movable metal type before Gutenberg was born; Angkor, the largest preindustrial city footprint archaeologists have mapped; and the maritime empires of Srivijaya and Majapahit that most world-history courses skip entirely. Between them ran the connective tissue: the Silk Roads by land and sea, the translation movement of the Islamic Golden Age, and the Mongol Empire, taught as neither pure destroyer nor pure connector, because the record shows both. The course's central claim is cited, not asserted: economic historians' reconstructions (Maddison, 2007; taught with their caveats) put China and India together at roughly half of world output as late as 1820, and the scholarly fight over when and why 'the West' pulled ahead (Pomeranz, 2000, versus Broadberry and colleagues, 2018) is presented as the live debate it is. It is honest where honesty is uncomfortable: caste, hereditary slavery, and conquest were Asian realities long before any European ship arrived, and 'colonization' was not a European invention, only a European escalation. Every claim names a civilization, a period, and a region. Nothing here is 'Asia did X.'

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Baltimore: The Whole Chain

A cited, high-school-and-up site course on one American city that holds every link of the housing-segregation chain within its own limits: racial zoning, restrictive covenants, redlining, and a highway driven through the middle of a Black neighborhood and then abandoned. Baltimore is uniquely useful because you do not have to leave town to see the whole sequence. Its two prerequisites, The Green Book: How to Read a Route and Indiana Avenue: A District and What Replaced It, teach the method and the idea of an instrument, a specific legal power exercised by a specific body under a specific statute leaving a specific document. This course lines up four such instruments as one lineage aimed at one end, and then does the harder thing: it tests whether the sequence is really as clean as it sounds. It is not. The ordinance was a chain of four laws, not one. The covenants ran alongside the zoning rather than after it. The redlining map's direct causal role is disputed by the historians who have read the lending records. Teaching that untidiness is the point, because a chain you can check is worth more than a story you cannot. You will read the ordinance, the covenant language, the map and the highway plan, walk the unfinished trench as an unusually legible absence, find the plan being written for that ground right now, look up a real Baltimore parcel in the state's own records, and write a piece of grounded nonfiction about one block. A 360 tour of the corridor is planned and will be added to the Now section when it is captured.

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Brazil: State-Chartered Unions, a Union-Made President, and the 2017 Rupture

The country course built around a controlled experiment nobody could have designed: what happens to unions that were funded by the state, when the state stops funding them? Brazil answers it. In 1943, Getúlio Vargas's CLT wrote corporatism directly into law, one state-chartered union per category per territory, financed by a compulsory union tax deducted from every worker, member or not. That machinery organized labor and controlled it at once, and it survived democracy, dictatorship, and redemocratization, until the ABC metalworkers' strikes of 1978-80 produced a new unionism, a new federation (CUT), a new party (PT), and, eventually, a president. Then Law 13.467 of 2017 abolished the compulsory tax, and union revenue collapsed by more than 90% within two years, the course teaches the documented figures, year by year, source by source. It also teaches who the CLT never reached: the roughly four in ten Brazilian workers in informality (IBGE), the app drivers whose employment status Brazil's Supreme Court had not resolved as of July 2026, and the workers rescued from trabalho análogo à escravidão, slavery-like labor, by a mobile inspection system and a 'dirty list' that names employers publicly. Neutral and dated on live politics; every figure carries its year and source. Cited to the CLT, the 1988 Constitution, IBGE, the ILO, the STF's published decisions, and Brazil's Ministry of Labor.

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Chile: A Labor System Designed to Be Weak

Every other course in the Workers' Rights track shows you a labor system that evolved, pushed and pulled into shape over a century of strikes, statutes, and settlements. Chile shows you one that was designed. In 1979, under a military dictatorship, a 30-year-old economist named José Piñera wrote a labor code with a stated goal, published a book defending it, and signed his work, bargaining confined by law to the single firm, strikes that employers could wait out or replace their way through, union pluralism used to fragment rather than to free. This course reads that design the way an engineer reads a blueprint. You will see what stood before it: the strongest labor movement in Latin America, a third of wage earners unionised by 1973, and how it was destroyed after the coup, told soberly and cited carefully. You will hear the designers' case in their own words, steelmanned honestly before it is measured against the record. You will follow the design through the return to democracy, why elected governments reformed it only at the margins for a quarter century, what the 2016 reform (Ley 20.940) finally changed, and what it deliberately did not, and you will read the result in today's numbers: union density around 16% and bargaining coverage around 19% (2023, OECD/AIAS), among the lowest in the OECD, in a system the OECD itself describes as atomised. Then the comparison the whole track has been building toward: Chile against Sweden and Denmark, two systems with the same surface, no sectoral bargaining written into statute, for exactly opposite reasons. One is silent because unions are strong enough not to need it. One is silent because its authors wanted them weak. This is the recommended final country course in the track, because its closing assignment is the point of the whole track: go re-read your own country's labor law, and ask who designed it, and what they wanted. Cited to OECD/AIAS, the Biblioteca del Congreso Nacional, the Dirección del Trabajo, Memoria Chilena, Servel, and the designers' own published defense. Take "The History of Unions: America and the World" first.

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How the Tools Traveled

The capstone of the route series, and the course that turns a shelf of city courses into a curriculum with a thesis. Each city course in this series documented a decision: a blight designation in Indianapolis, a Supreme Court opinion out of Southwest Washington, a school district line in Detroit and Indianapolis, a racial zoning ordinance in Baltimore, a public-private partnership in Pittsburgh, a closed Army post in Lawrence, Indiana. Told separately they look like local misfortunes. They were not. They were a shared toolkit, largely federal, applied locally, and this course teaches the transmission rather than the tools. You will start with a taxonomy of connection, ranked from source and use at the strongest to thematic rhyme at the weakest, and with the rule that governs the rest of the course: a shared pattern is a rhyme, and only a documented line, a citation, a copied plan, a named person or a funding stream, is a connection. Then you will read the federal upstream in its own words: the Housing Acts of 1949 and 1954, the Federal Housing Administration's Underwriting Manual, and the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1956, which was formally the National System of Interstate and Defense Highways and is the bridge between the war material and the city material. Then you will work the flagship connection all the way through, Berman v. Parker out of Southwest Washington, and watch it fail the chronology test in its strong form and survive in a weaker and truer one. Then you will test three more lines and one whole category the course could not close, without re-inflating a single claim a sibling course weakened. Fort Harrison shows the same federal upstream acting through a different mechanism, as landowner and employer rather than funder. The course ends where an honest one has to end, with what none of this proves, and with a drill and an assignment that make you test a connection of your own. Prerequisites: The Green Book: How to Read a Route, plus at least two city courses, of which Indiana Avenue: A District and What Replaced It and Washington, DC: Where the Instrument Was Blessed are the two ends of the connection worked here.

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India: When Most Workers Have No Employer

Every tool in the anchor course, the election, the contract, the grievance procedure, the duty to bargain, assumes one thing so basic it is never said out loud: that a worker is an employee, and an employee has an employer. India is where that assumption breaks. About 90% of Indian workers are in informal employment (India Employment Report 2024, ILO and the Institute for Human Development, built on the government's own Periodic Labour Force Survey): no written contract, no social security, often no identifiable employer at all. This course teaches what that number means and where it comes from; the full legal machine India built on paper (a union with seven members, a constitution that guarantees association, and a Supreme Court that found no fundamental right to strike); union federations that each belong to a political party, a third politics-and-labor entanglement to set against Poland and China; SEWA, the Self-Employed Women's Association, which since 1972 has organized millions of women who have no employer to bargain with, the one institutional invention in this track built for exactly that; the 2019-2020 Labour Codes that folded 29 laws into four and then waited five years to come into force (taught dated, because the states are still writing their rules); the first legal recognition of gig and platform workers anywhere in this track; and the honest part, caste and labor, the sewer deaths a ministry reported to Parliament in the same breath as 'no manual scavenging,' and child labor's real progress and real limits. Cited to the ILO, the Periodic Labour Force Survey, the Codes' own text, parliamentary answers, and SEWA's own record. A country course in the Workers' Rights track, take "The History of Unions: America and the World" first.

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Mudsock: How a Rivalry Marks a Boundary

A cited, high-school-and-up site course on Fishers and Hamilton County, Indiana, built around one civic question: how does a suburb form, and who pays for what. This is the counterweight to Indiana Avenue: A District and What Replaced It. That course follows a Black business corridor that was cleared; this one follows the ground that grew, twenty miles northeast, over the same decades, under a different set of legal instruments. You will learn where the name Mudsock comes from and what a nickname is and is not evidence of, read a county's growth out of the decennial census instead of out of a slogan, look at the subdivision and the campus high school as building types with assumptions built into them, and then spend the longest section of the course on the instruments themselves: incorporation, annexation and the remonstrance waiver almost nobody reads, the school district line drawn under Indiana's 1959 School Reorganization Act, and the property tax caps that decide when a wealthy district still has to ask its voters for money. You will test the claim in this course's own title against the record and watch part of it fail, look up a real parcel and a real taxing district in Indiana's public finance database, find the school referendum currently on the November 2026 ballot, and write a piece of grounded nonfiction about one street or one boundary. A virtual tour of the Mudsock rivalry and its ground is planned and will be added to the Now section when its embed URL exists.

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Philadelphia: The University and the Block

A cited, high-school-and-up site course on the Black Bottom in West Philadelphia: the working-class Black neighborhood that was certified as blighted and cleared in the 1960s so that a consortium of universities led by the University of Pennsylvania could build the University City Science Center, the nation's first urban research park. This is the second metro-spine course after the Indianapolis pilot, and it exists to test one argument: that the Black Bottom is Indiana Avenue's closest twin anywhere, because the instrument that did the work at both campuses is the same, a university assembling land through a public redevelopment authority under a 1945 state blight statute. The prerequisite courses teach the method and the model: The Green Book: How to Read a Route teaches you to read a record and research an address forward, and Indiana Avenue: A District and What Replaced It found that a university plus a redevelopment authority, not the highway, cleared that corridor. This course draws the comparison explicitly and stays precise about what is parallel and what is merely similar. You will learn the certification instrument under Pennsylvania's Urban Redevelopment Law, eminent domain and federal urban-renewal financing, and the West Philadelphia Corporation as the university's land-assembly surrogate; you will handle, with care and by way of the official commission report, a second and very different West Philadelphia decision, the MOVE bombing of 1985; you will look up a real parcel in the city's own Atlas, find the live civics of Penn's payments to the schools, and write a piece of grounded nonfiction. A 360 tour of the corridor is planned and will be added to the Now section when it is captured.

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Pittsburgh: Where the Playbook Was Written

A cited, high-school-and-up site course on Pittsburgh's Hill District: the majority-Black neighborhood that Harlem Renaissance poet Claude McKay called the Crossroads of the World, home of the Pittsburgh Courier and the Crawford Grill and the Hill District of August Wilson's ten-play cycle, and the Lower Hill of it that was declared blighted and cleared in the 1950s for the Civic Arena. This is a sibling of the Indiana Avenue course, and it goes one step further: Indianapolis did not invent the instruments that emptied Indiana Avenue, and neither did Pittsburgh, but Pittsburgh assembled and showcased the public-private redevelopment machine early and visibly enough that the postwar Pittsburgh Renaissance became a national reference case. This course applies the prerequisite Green Book method to one neighborhood, teaches the actual tools of the decision (the state redevelopment law, the blight designation, eminent domain, the public-private partnership, and the export of the model), tests the course's own headline claim against the record and reports where it weakens, looks at the arena as architecture and at the rare double absence left when that arena was itself demolished around 2011 to 2012, sends the learner to Allegheny County's own parcel records and to Pittsburgh's unfinished comprehensive plan, and ends in an August Wilson writing assignment. A 360 tour of the Lower Hill is planned and will be added to the Now section when it is captured.

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Pre-Columbian Mesoamerica: Cities, Calendars, and the People Who Are Still Here

Before any European ship reached the Americas, the land between central Mexico and Costa Rica held some of the largest cities on Earth, a fully developed writing system, a positional number system with zero, calendars accurate enough to track Venus for centuries, and farms engineered on lakes and in rainforests. This course walks that record: the Olmec of the Gulf lowlands and the live scholarly debate about what they were to everyone else; Teotihuacan, a metropolis of perhaps 100,000 whose builders' very language is unknown, the best humility lesson in archaeology; the Maya city-states, their script and Long Count calendar, the real (and really debated) Classic collapse, and the roughly seven million Maya alive right now, because they did not vanish; the Mexica (Aztec) island capital of Tenochtitlan, its chinampa farms and tribute empire, and an honest accounting of human sacrifice, real, excavated, and routinely exaggerated by sources with motives; the Zapotec, Mixtec, and the Purepecha empire that stopped the Aztecs cold; Central America beyond Mexico, from the buried village of Joya de Ceren to the stone spheres of the Diquis delta; and the conquest told without myths, smallpox and steel, yes, but also tens of thousands of Indigenous allies who were fighting their own war, and a 'conquest' that did not reach the last independent Maya kingdom until 1697. The last section teaches the transferable skill: HOW we know, a bishop's book-burning at Mani in 1562 and the four codices that survived it, the Cold War decipherment that let the Maya speak in their own words, and the LiDAR surveys that found tens of thousands of structures under the Peten canopy in a single campaign. Numbers are taught as ranges, contested claims are labeled contested with a name on each side, and nothing here is 'mysterious ancient aliens', the mystery-mongering is itself one of the myths this course dismantles. Cited throughout to working Mesoamericanists (Coe, Houston, Miller, Martin, Restall, Cowgill, Smith), INAH excavation reporting, the Popol Vuh and Florentine Codex in scholarly translation, and UNESCO World Heritage documentation.

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Seattle: The Modern Bookend

A cited, high-school-and-up site course on Seattle: who could live where, the neighborhoods that racial restriction built, and the two Supreme Court opinions that bracket a single argument thirty-three years apart. The building block is a boundary you cannot photograph. You will read Seattle out of a rare searchable primary archive, the University of Washington's Racial Restrictive Covenants Project, which has documented tens of thousands of deeds that once barred nonwhite families from most of the city. You will sit with the Central District, the corridor where a constrained Black Seattle built a full community, and with Bainbridge Island, the place the first forced removal of Japanese Americans began in 1942, now marked by a memorial the community keeps. Then you will read two opinions directly. Milliken v. Bradley (1974) stopped a court-ordered desegregation remedy at the school district line: it limited what a court could compel. Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1 (2007) stopped a district that had never been segregated by law from using race in school assignment: it limited what a district could choose to do voluntarily. You will quote the operative language of both, including the plurality and concurrence split in Parents Involved that decides what the case actually held, correct what it is popularly said to have held, look up a real covenant or parcel in the public records, learn how Seattle assigns students today, and write one grounded, checkable piece. Prerequisites: The Green Book: How to Read a Route (the method) and The Gym and the Color Line (the district-line course this one bookends). A 360 tour of the ground is planned and will be added to the Now section when it is captured.

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South Africa: The Union That Helped End Apartheid, Then Joined the Government

Apartheid South Africa put Black workers outside labor law by name: the Industrial Conciliation Act of 1924 wrote them out of the word "employee," a 1953 statute criminalised their strikes, and "job reservation" saved the best jobs for white workers by law, the bluntest version of the exclusion move this track finds in country after country. This course follows what the excluded built anyway: the leaderless Durban strikes of 1973, the shop-steward unions that became COSATU in 1985 (about 460,000 members at launch, South African History Online), the three-week miners' strike of 1987, and the Tripartite Alliance with the ANC that helped end apartheid in 1994. Then it follows the harder story after the victory. The Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 is among the most worker-friendly statutes anywhere, written partly by the unionists who had just won, and yet official unemployment stands at 32.9% (Q1 2025, Stats SA), labor broking moves workers outside the paper protections, and on 16 August 2012 police of the democratic state shot dead 34 striking miners at Marikana. That day is taught soberly, from the published findings of the Farlam Commission, what it found, what it did not find, and what is still unresolved, dated and left open. The course ends with the fracture the alliance produced, NUMSA expelled in 2014, the rival SAFTU federation founded in 2017, and with a question borrowed from this track's Poland course, offered and not answered: can a union movement win the state without losing the workplace? Cited to South African History Online, the statutes themselves, Stats SA, the ILO and the Marikana Commission report. A country course in the Workers' Rights track, take "The History of Unions: America and the World" first.

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South Korea: Democracy, the Chaebol, and the Lawsuit as a Weapon

South Korea compresses a century of labor history into four decades. Under Park Chung-hee's developmental dictatorship, cheap and tightly controlled labor was not a side effect of the economic miracle, it was the policy, and the teenage women sewing in the Peace Market's attic workshops paid for it. On 13 November 1970 a 22-year-old tailor named Jeon Tae-il burned himself alive beside a copy of the Labor Standards Act the state refused to enforce; his reported last words, "We are not machines", became the founding sentence of the modern Korean labor movement, and his mother Lee So-sun spent the next four decades building the unions her son died asking for. In the summer of 1987, as the dictatorship cracked, more than three thousand strikes erupted in three months, the Great Workers' Struggle, and Korean workers won their unions and their democracy in the same season. Then the honest part: a wealthy OECD democracy that ratified the ILO's freedom-of-association conventions only in 2021; a workforce where 38.2% of wage workers are 'non-regular' (August 2025, Statistics Korea) and stand outside most of what the unions won; union density of about 13% (2022, Ministry of Employment and Labor) with bargaining coverage barely higher, because bargaining stops at the company gate; and a repression mechanism students will not have seen anywhere else in this track, civil damages suits and provisional seizure of wages and homes brought against individual strikers, which can financially destroy a worker without ever jailing one. The decade-long fight over that mechanism, the 'yellow envelope law,' is taught dated and unresolved. A country course in the Workers' Rights track, take "The History of Unions: America and the World" first.

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Sweden & Denmark: The Wage Floor That Isn't a Law

In Sweden and Denmark there is almost no statutory national minimum wage, and that is not an oversight. It is the design. The wage floor is a contract, negotiated industry by industry between unions and employers, and the state deliberately stays out. For a student raised on "the government sets the floor," this is the most disorienting fact in the whole Workers' Rights track, and this course is built around it. You will learn the plumbing that makes it work: the Ghent system, in which unemployment insurance is run through union-linked funds, which pushes union membership toward two-thirds of the workforce, and the natural experiment that proves it, because Norway, a Nordic country WITHOUT Ghent, sits around half. You will see the strongest evidence for that mechanism anywhere: when Sweden raised its unemployment-fund fees in 2007, density fell, fast. You will meet the two agreements by which the state stepped back on purpose, Saltsjöbaden (Sweden, 1938) and the September Compromise (Denmark, 1899), and the Danish bargain called flexicurity: easy to fire, well cushioned if you are, and actively helped back to work, taught as a trade rather than a fairy tale, and honestly, as a trade under strain. You will learn the sharpest single comparison in the track: sympathy strikes, which US law bans, are legal here, and you will watch the model defend itself in real time in the still-unresolved 2023 Tesla dispute in Sweden. Then the honest limits: density is falling, migrant and platform workers sit outside the agreements, and (the lesson nobody expects) the Nordic unions themselves fought an EU law that would have guaranteed a minimum wage, because a legal floor would undercut the thing they built. Cited to OECD/AIAS, ETUI, Eurofound, the national confederations, and the EU directive itself. A country course in the Workers' Rights track, take "The History of Unions: America and the World" first.

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The Gym and the Color Line

A cited, high-school-and-up site course on Indianapolis high school gymnasiums and football fields, and on the one civic instrument that decides who plays in them: the school district line. Indiana builds the largest high school gyms in the United States, and it built Crispus Attucks High School in 1927 as the segregated Black high school for a city whose school board had been asked to build it. Attucks was kept out of the state tournament until 1942, sat on 8.4 acres when the state's own formula asked for more than three times that, and then won the state championship in 1955, 1956 and 1959. The building type is the hook. The boundary is the lesson. You will read three court opinions directly, United States v. Board of School Commissioners (1971 and 1974) and Milliken v. Bradley (1974), and watch a federal judge find that more than ninety percent of about 350 attendance-zone changes promoted segregation, watch the 1969 Unigov statute expand a city's limits while expressly leaving its school district where it was, and watch the Supreme Court turn the district line into a wall the remedy could not cross. Then you will test that argument against a chronology, correct two claims this course could not verify, look up a real school's district and its boundary in the federal and state records, and write about one gym. Prerequisites: The Green Book: How to Read a Route (the method) and Indiana Avenue: A District and What Replaced It (course 1, the same metro). A 360 tour of the gyms and fields is planned and will be added to the Now section when it is captured.

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The Negro Leagues: Who Owned the Game

A cited, high-school-and-up course on the Negro Leagues as businesses rather than as a tragedy that ended in 1947. The civic question runs through every section: who owns the game, who collects the gate, and what happens to those businesses when the door finally opens? You will read a league the way you would read any firm, out of charters, leases, newspaper business pages, museum and Hall of Fame records and Major League Baseball's own published methodology: who put up the capital when banks would not lend, which clubs owned a ballpark and which rented one from the white club that had refused them the locker rooms, what a booking agent took between the turnstile and the owner, and why barnstorming and one all-star game at Comiskey Park mattered more to the books than the standings did. Indianapolis is the course's worked example, because the record there is unusually good: the ABCs from a contested sponsorship name in 1907 to a folded franchise in 1926, the Negro National League's first game at Washington Park on 2 May 1920, C. I. Taylor's clubhouse on Indiana Avenue built because his players were locked out of the one at the park, and the Indianapolis Clowns, who bought a league seat in 1943 by itemizing what they would cut from the act and outlived the leagues by thirty-five years. The last section is about the record itself: MLB's December 2020 reclassification of seven leagues, the May 2024 statistical merge of more than 2,300 players, and what is genuinely contested about both, including a qualifying threshold set at about 1,800 at-bats where the American and National Leagues use 5,000, an official record that excludes the barnstorming games that paid the bills, and two reputable databases that currently disagree about who holds the single-season batting record. Negro Leagues statistics are incomplete and under active revision, and this course says so wherever a number appears instead of quoting one with false confidence. It states plainly which figures it refused to assert and why. Cross-linked to What They Built, Financing Without Access, Two Racetracks, The Gym and the Color Line, Indiana Avenue, and Pittsburgh.

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The President's House

A cited, high-school-and-up site course on the Benjamin Harrison house at 1230 North Delaware Street in Indianapolis, and on the question a president's house is the right place to ask: what could a presidency do about voting rights, and what happened when it tried? This is course 5 of the Indianapolis cluster and its civics anchor, and it is the one course in the series whose subject is a person with power rather than a place that lost it. Benjamin Harrison, the 23rd president, lived and died in this house. During his single term a bill to put federal supervisors on congressional elections passed the House, was filibustered in a Senate that had no way to end a filibuster, and was set aside by one vote. You will read the bill, read Harrison's own messages, watch a bill die by the ordinary machinery rather than by a losing vote, and then test the flattering version of the story against the parts of his record that do not fit it, including the Geary Act and Wounded Knee. You will read the house itself as architecture and as a museum, and learn the difference between what a building is and what a preserved building has been chosen to show. Finally you will connect a failed federal remedy in 1891 to a local boundary decision in this same city in 1970, because national power and local boundaries are two levers on the same question. A 360 tour of the site is planned and will be added to the Now section when its embed URL exists. The prerequisite course, The Green Book: How to Read a Route, teaches the research method this course applies.

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The Schoolhouse Network

A cited, high-school-and-up course on the Rosenwald school building program: roughly five thousand school buildings raised across the segregated South in the early twentieth century, on a matching model that combined a Chicago philanthropist's grant, public tax money, and cash, land and labor raised by Black communities themselves. It is the counterpart to The Gym and the Color Line, which teaches what a boundary did to schooling; this course teaches what communities built, and it runs on one hard rule stated in its first lesson: never use a positive to soften a negative. A school raised by people who were simultaneously being taxed for schools their children could not attend is not a happy ending, and this course does not offer it as one. The claim is co-occurrence, not balance. You will verify the famous numbers and find that the sources disagree about the building count, the date range and even the number of students served, then learn why they disagree. You will read the matching model as a four-column budget and work out what share the communities actually paid, which is the figure that complicates the way this story is usually told. You will read two real school cards out of the Julius Rosenwald Fund archive at Fisk University. You will learn why the buildings look the way they do, down to the orientation, the window banks and the two permitted interior paint schemes, because the light was the design problem. You will meet the people who raised the money and taught in the rooms. Then you will hold the program's calendar against the rest of the record for the same years, find a surviving school near you in the federal and state registers, and write a piece of grounded nonfiction about one building and the budget line that raised it. Prerequisite: The Green Book: How to Read a Route, which teaches the method this course applies. A 360 tour of a restored schoolhouse is planned and will be added to the Now section when it is captured.

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Training the Colonizer: The Knowledge That Was Taken

When Europeans built plantation economies in the Americas, they grew crops they did not know how to grow, on land they did not know how to work, using techniques they did not invent. This course walks the documented record of what enslaved and colonized people taught the people who enslaved them: West African rice-growers whose expertise fed the Carolina Lowcountry; the enslaved man Onesimus, who taught Cotton Mather the African practice of smallpox inoculation before the 1721 Boston epidemic; the herders, indigo-makers, blacksmiths, bridge-builders, boat-pilots, and cooks whose skill built colonial wealth. It is careful where the record is careful. The famous Black Rice thesis (Judith Carney, 2001) is taught as a thesis, alongside the scholars who challenged it (Eltis, Morgan, and Richardson, 2007) and those who answered them, with no winner declared, because learning to hold a contested claim honestly is one of the skills this course is really teaching. It refuses the two opposite lies: the old erasure that says Europeans built everything, and the romantic overcorrection that says Africans invented everything without a citation. And it never lets the story go soft: this knowledge was coerced, uncredited, and uncompensated. Being the person who knew how to grow the rice did not make you free. Cited throughout to working historians (Carney, Wood, Littlefield, Hawthorne, Hall, Dawson, Feeser, Schiebinger) and the Mather and Boylston primary record. For high school students.

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Two Racetracks

A cited, high-school-and-up site course on the two racetracks of Indianapolis and the civic question that runs between them: who is admitted to a sport, and what gets built alongside when they are not? Five miles apart sit a 2.5-mile oval that opened in 1909, was paved with 3.2 million bricks, became a National Historic Landmark in 1987 and still runs the race it was built for, and a one-mile dirt oval that opened with the state fairgrounds in 1892, held the largest annually staged Black sporting event in America between 1924 and 1936, and was converted in 2019 to a crushed-limestone harness training surface and parking. Between 1924 and 1936 the Colored Speedway Association ran the Gold and Glory Sweepstakes on that dirt mile, because the premier race would not admit Black drivers; the first Black driver started the Indianapolis 500 in 1991, eighty years and seventy-five runnings after the first. This course does not repeat the story it inherited. It goes looking for the written rule that is supposed to sit under it, reports that it could not find one, and teaches the far more useful thing it found instead: how a license, an entry form, a club membership and a private gate can do the work of a rule while leaving almost no record. You will learn what an oval does to a farm and a town, why the Town of Speedway is one of the four places the 1970 Unigov consolidation left alone, who governs each of these two grounds today (one is private property, one is a state body corporate and politic, one is a town with its own redevelopment commission chartered to eliminate blight), test a claim against the record and watch part of it fail, look up a real parcel and a real public meeting, and write one piece of grounded nonfiction. Prerequisites: The Green Book: How to Read a Route (the method) and Indiana Avenue: A District and What Replaced It (course 1, the same metro and the same instruments). A 360 tour of the Indianapolis Motor Speedway is planned and will be added to the Now section when its embed URL exists.

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Washington, DC: Where the Instrument Was Blessed

A cited, high-school-and-up site course on Southwest Washington, DC, and Berman v. Parker (1954), the Supreme Court decision that made clearing land as "blighted" constitutionally safe across the whole country. The pilot course in this series found that a blight designation and land assembly, not the highway, actually cleared Indiana Avenue in Indianapolis. This is the course where that tool was authorised. Its prerequisites, The Green Book: How to Read a Route and Indiana Avenue: A District and What Replaced It, teach a method and apply it to one corridor; this course reads the opinion that licensed the method, quotes its operative language accurately, and is honest about what it did and did not hold, including that the plaintiff was a department store owner rather than a displaced resident. You will walk Southwest DC before clearance and read the surveys the Court relied on, see the modernist superblocks that replaced a working neighborhood, learn the instruments beat by beat, trace the holding forward to Kelo and back to Indiana Avenue while testing that link against a chronology, meet the freeway revolt that is one of the few victories in this series, learn why the people whose homes were cleared could not vote for the Congress that governed them, look up a real DC parcel, and write grounded nonfiction about one block. A 360 tour of the waterfront is planned and will be added to the Now section when it is captured.

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MONEY-01Your Money, and Who Decides

Credit, and the Decisions Made About You

Somebody you have never met keeps a file about how you pay, sells it to people deciding whether to lend to you, and is allowed to do that. This course is not about how to build good credit. It is about how a credit decision is actually made: what data feeds it, who is allowed to look, what the decider must tell you, and what you can do when the record is wrong. It starts before any of it is about scores, with a calendar, because the ordinary failure is not overspending but timing. Money is owed on one date and arrives on another, and closing that gap is what every consumer credit product sells. Then the vocabulary that the law, rather than the industry, defines. A creditor that receives a completed application does one of three things, and only one of them has a legal name: adverse action, defined to its edges in Regulation B, because the paperwork rights attach to the defined term and not to the feeling of being turned down. Then the file itself, which the Fair Credit Reporting Act defines as a communication bearing on your credit worthiness, credit standing, credit capacity, character, general reputation, personal characteristics, or mode of living, and which a consumer reporting agency assembles for monetary fees. Who may buy it is a closed list in the statute that ends with the words and no other. What may appear in it, and for how long, is a second list, and most adverse items fall off after seven years. Then the score, which the statute defines as a numerical value derived from a statistical tool used to predict the likelihood of certain credit behaviors, which means it is a prediction rather than a measurement, that there is more than one of them, and that the four key factors printed beside it are the part you can act on. The centre of the course is a piece of paper you can hold: the adverse action notice, which federal regulation requires to be specific and to indicate the principal reasons, and which may not simply say you failed to reach a score cutoff. Read beside this catalog's own course on federal farm credit, where a government gate had to state its eligibility standard in statute, the parallel is exact and one level down. Then the dispute: a reasonable reinvestigation, free of charge, inside thirty days, with the company that supplied the item put on notice within five business days and obliged to investigate too. Then the price, and why the annual percentage rate exists at all, which is so that two offers can be compared. The course closes on the method rather than on a table, because model versions and program terms move while statutes do not, and it ends by having you read your own record. It is information about how institutions decide, not advice about your money, and it says so in three separate lessons.

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MONEY-02Your Money, and Who Decides

Banking, and Who Has No Bank

A generic banking course teaches you how to open a checking account. This one teaches what a bank account actually is, what it costs, what happens when you do not have one, and what fills the gap. It starts with the deposit contract, because the thing you call your money is legally a claim against a company, and the insurance that backs that claim has a structure worth learning even though its dollar cap has a date on it. Then the two gates. The first is the identity rule at 31 CFR 1020.220, which requires a bank to collect four things before it opens an account for you, and which does not say the words driver's license or Social Security number, though almost everyone believes it does. The second is the gate almost nobody knows exists: banks screen applicants through companies like ChexSystems and Early Warning Services, those companies are consumer reporting agencies under the Fair Credit Reporting Act, and that single legal fact gives a rejected applicant a right to be told which company was consulted, a right to a free copy of the file, and a right to dispute what is in it. Then the cost structure, taught as a price rather than a rule: a monthly fee waived above a balance threshold is the same account sold at two prices, sorted by who has the least. Overdraft is taught from the opt-in regulation and from the rule Congress nullified in May 2025, because a course that described that rule in the present tense would be wrong. Then the substitute market, priced rather than scolded: money orders, check cashing, prepaid cards and payment apps, with the fees the FDIC and USPS publish, and with the reason a household with an unpredictable balance rationally prefers a fee it can see to a fee it cannot predict. The evidence spine is the FDIC's own biennial survey, which asks unbanked households why, publishes their answers, and shows that the single most cited reason is not having enough money to meet a minimum balance. The course ends with distance, with what saving actually looks like across the population according to the Federal Reserve, and with five things you can do to read your own account, none of which is advice about what to do with your money.

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MONEY-03Your Money, and Who Decides

Cash Flow, and When the Money Actually Moves

A bill is due on the first and the paycheck lands on the third. That is not a budgeting failure, it is two calendars that were set by different people under different rules, and this course is about those rules. It teaches no budgeting technique at all, on purpose: budgeting has no mechanism, no decision-maker and no recourse, while timing has all three and every one of them is public. When money arrives is a federal schedule. The Expedited Funds Availability Act and Regulation CC say how soon a bank must let you use a deposit, and the answer depends on what you deposited, where you deposited it, and what time of day the bank says its day ended. Cash handed to a teller is one rule, a payroll direct deposit is another, a government check is a third, and an ordinary check is a fourth, with six named exceptions that can extend any of them and a written notice owed to you whenever one is used. When money leaves is a different kind of rule and a much shorter one. The Uniform Commercial Code says a bank may charge items to your account in any order it finds convenient, which means the same four payments on the same day can produce one overdraft or three depending on a sequencing choice you never see. The course works that arithmetic rather than complaining about it, because the arithmetic is the part you can act on. Then the rails: cash, check, an automated clearing house credit, a card, a wire, and instant payment, six ways money moves with six different clocks, and only some of them are what the availability rule calls an electronic payment. Then the paycheck itself, where the arithmetic surprises people: weekly is fifty-two paydays a year, biweekly is twenty-six, semimonthly is twenty-four, and biweekly and semimonthly are not the same thing even though both are often called twice a month. Federal law sets a regular pay day and does not set how often it comes; your state does, and the statute has a number in it. A Social Security payment date is set by a published rule keyed to a birth date, which means it can be computed a year ahead. The course closes on the two questions worth knowing the answers to: which of these timings is a legal duty with a remedy attached, and which is merely the way a bank has chosen to run its day. It ends by having you map your own dates, request your own bank's availability policy, which any person may ask for in writing, and read your own state's payday statute. It is information about how the payment system keeps time, not advice about your money, and it says so in three separate lessons.

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MONEY-04Your Money, and Who Decides

Predatory Products, Priced

A scam and a predatory product are not the same object, and confusing them costs people money twice. A scam is illegal on its face, and the remedy is fraud law. A predatory product is legal, sold by a licensed business under a written contract, with its price printed on the page, and the remedy is arithmetic. This course prices the legal ones. It starts with the tool the law itself requires, the annual percentage rate, which exists under the Truth in Lending Act so that two offers stated in different units can be compared, and it teaches the conversion that turns a flat fee into one. Then the small-dollar loan, where the cost is not in the first loan but in the renewal, a mechanism the Supreme Court described in a single sentence about fine print and a federal jury in New York found a lender had understated by a factor of nearly ten. Then rent-to-own, where the total of payments can approach or exceed twice the cash price, and where no annual percentage rate appears at all, because Regulation Z's definition of a credit sale turns on whether the customer agreed to pay, and a lease you may end at any time is not that agreement. Then the products that attach to money you are already owed: a tax refund that federal law holds until a stated date for the households most likely to be offered a loan against it, and overdraft, which is priced. Then the line that decides who bears a loss when money leaves an account, which is the most useful thing this course teaches. Regulation E defines an unauthorized electronic fund transfer as one initiated by someone other than you without your authority, and the error-resolution machinery, the liability caps and the burden of proof on the institution all hang on that definition being met. A transfer you were tricked into making yourself does not meet it. The course closes on who is targeted, taught from public enforcement records rather than from assertion, and on how to read one: a complaint is an allegation, a stipulated order is a settlement, and a jury verdict is a finding, and the difference matters. It gives no financial advice, prints no national rate, dates every figure, and teaches you to find your own state's rule rather than trusting a table.

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MONEY-05Your Money, and Who Decides

Taxes, and the Money Taken Before You See It

For most working people in the United States, federal income tax is not a bill that arrives. It is money that is already gone, taken by an employer under a duty the law places on the employer rather than on you, before the pay statement is printed. This course is not about how to do your taxes. It is about the machine that decides how much is held, what the document you sign actually is, and who the rules land on. It starts with the two separate deductions on one pay statement, taken under two different chapters of the Internal Revenue Code, only one of which comes back to you as a credit at the end of the year. Then the withholding certificate, the single dial an employee controls, and the regulation that renamed it when the allowances it was built around were removed. Then the reason a refund is not a gift: the statute says withheld tax is allowed to you as a credit, so an overpayment is your own money returning, while a refundable credit is something else entirely and the law is explicit about which is which. Then the return as a document with legal consequences, signed under penalties of perjury by force of a single sentence of the Code, starting a three-year clock to assess that becomes six years on a large omission and never runs at all on a false return or on no return. Then filing status, which is not a preference but a determination made as of the last day of the year, and which on a joint return makes each spouse liable for the whole tax rather than half. The centre of the course is the place where the tax system stops collecting revenue and starts paying money out: the refundable credit, defined by a sentence saying the excess shall be considered an overpayment, and the earned income credit, which is conditioned on having worked and is the largest cash safety-net program in the country. Then the date Congress wrote for those credits and for nobody else, which holds the refunds of the lowest-earning filers until mid-February and is the window every refund-advance product is priced against. Then free filing, which turns out to be a private contract with an income limit derived from a percentile rather than a statute, a volunteer program born in 1969, and a government-built filing tool that was suspended. It closes on examination: what an audit legally is, what clock it starts, and what published research using named methods found about who is selected, including a disparity concentrated in exactly the credit this course spends a section on. It gives no tax advice, prints no current bracket or credit amount, dates every figure, and says so in three separate lessons.

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MONEY-06Your Money, and Who Decides

Housing: the Lease, the Loan Estimate, and the Map

A housing decision is not a choice between two lifestyles. It is a choice between two contracts, and almost every term that matters is already written on a document somebody is legally required to hand you. This course will not tell you whether to rent or to buy, and it gives no financial advice. It teaches the machinery instead. A lease buys a right to occupy for a term; a mortgage loan buys money and pledges the property back as security, which is why the early payments are almost all interest and why the schedule that proves it is arithmetic anyone can do. Renting is governed by state law, which means there is no national answer about deposits, notice or eviction, so the course teaches how to find the statute that governs your own address and demonstrates the method on one labelled state rather than printing a table that would be wrong in forty-nine places. Buying is governed by two federal forms designed to be laid side by side: the Loan Estimate, which a creditor must deliver within three business days of an application, itself defined as six specific pieces of information, and the Closing Disclosure, which the consumer must receive at least three business days before consummation. Between them sit the good-faith rules that decide which quoted costs may move and by how much, the annual percentage rate that the form itself says is not your interest rate, and the total interest percentage, which states what the loan costs as a share of what was borrowed. The comparison of renting against buying is then done honestly, in the same units, over a stated horizon, with the transaction costs on both ends counted, because the familiar claim that renting throws money away is a conclusion with no arithmetic attached. The last third turns to valuation and to the record. An appraisal is an opinion of value, you are entitled to a free copy of every one, and appraising is written into the Fair Housing Act's own definition of a covered transaction. Then the map: racially restrictive covenants are still in the county land records, a 1948 Supreme Court decision made them judicially unenforceable without erasing them, a university project has mapped hundreds of them in one city, and in at least one state a statute says exactly what an owner may record to strike one from their own deed. It closes by having you read one real document about your own housing.

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MONEY-07Your Money, and Who Decides

Retirement: the Plan, the Fee Disclosure, and the Floor

This is not a course about how to invest, and it will not tell you what to buy, how much to save, or when to start. It teaches the machinery instead, because the machinery is public and the advice would be a guess. Start with the fact that decides everything else: a workplace retirement plan exists only because an employer chose to sponsor one, so whether you have access is a fact about the labour market rather than about your discipline, and the federal survey that measures it finds the gap running from 91 percent access in the best-paid quarter of private-sector occupations down to 49 percent in the lowest-paid quarter. From there the course reads the documents. An employee pension benefit plan has a statutory definition, and the plan document, not a website, decides what your employer contributes and when it becomes yours; the vesting schedules an employer may choose from are printed in the statute itself, your own deferrals are nonforfeitable from the day you make them, and what happens to the rest when you leave is a term you can look up rather than a rumour. Fees compound in exactly the way balances do, and one regulation requires the plan to hand you a disclosure that says so, to state each investment's cost both as a percentage and as a dollar amount per thousand invested, and to tell you at least quarterly what you were actually charged. The tax half is taught as a timing choice rather than a product choice, and the annual figures are taught as a method: a base amount fixed in statute, an adjustment made each year, and the notice where the current number is published. Then Social Security, taught from the statute rather than from a brochure: forty quarters of coverage, an earnings record that becomes conclusive three years, three months and fifteen days after the year it covers, thirty-five years of indexed earnings, and a benefit formula that pays 90 percent of the first slice of average indexed monthly earnings and 15 percent of the last. The course closes on the question almost nobody asks and everybody should: which of the people talking to you is legally required to act in your interest, which is held to a different standard written in a different rule, and where the free public records are that let you check either one before you listen.

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Writing Poems and Songs

A poem and a song lyric are built out of the same parts: an image, a line, a rhyme that is doing work rather than filling a slot, a pattern of stressed and unstressed syllables, and a shape that turns somewhere. The one difference that matters is that a lyric arrives once, in time, at a tempo the listener does not set and under a melody competing for the same attention, while a poem holds still on a page and can be read again. Almost every piece of craft advice that otherwise sounds arbitrary follows from that asymmetry: why a chorus repeats, why a lyric front-loads its concrete detail, why a poem can afford a sentence a lyric cannot, and why a line break does work in the eye that it cannot do in the air. Six sections work through it. The heard-once constraint and what melody buys and charges. Image and the concrete, starting from Ezra Pound's 1913 instruction to go in fear of abstractions. Sound, where perfect rhyme is a tool and not a rule, and slant rhyme, assonance and consonance are the near relatives worth knowing. Stress and meter, and the thing that exists only in song, which is word stress running against a musical beat. The line, the break, the stanza, the turn, and the verse and chorus. And revision, which is mostly cutting. Every example is a poem you can go and read in full, all of them public domain, each quoted from the edition named at the foot of its lesson. No modern song lyric is quoted anywhere here, because song lyrics are under aggressively enforced copyright: where a song is the right example the technique is described and the song is named. This course teaches the writing and nothing else. It has no advice about publishing, placement, licensing, pitching or getting paid, which is a different subject with a different research burden.

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